Наверх

REBELLIOUS PRISONER. CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO

FOUR GENERALS OF THE FEDERAL SECURITY SERVICE IN IKEA CASE (March 2019)

FOUR GENERALS OF THE FEDERAL SECURITY SERVICE IN IKEA CASE (March 2019)

I should probably tell more about the force support of Andrei Vorobev, General of the Federal Security Service Dorofeev. Aleksei Nikolaevich held the office of the Head of the Service in the Directorate of the Federal Security Service in Saint Petersburg. In April 2005, he was appointed to the office of the Head of the Directorate of the Federal Security Service of Russia in the Republic of Karelia. In Karelia, Dorofeev was famous for welcoming all the bosses in the sauna, hitting the wide backs of the generals of the Federal Security Service with a sauna whisk; they even say that merry girls arrived after dinner. However, in autumn 2006, there were massive anti-Caucasian protests in Kondopog, and Dorofeev was dismissed. Dorofeev worked in the central office of the Federal Security Service as a Deputy Head of the Directorate from 2006 until 2010. 

In February 2010, Dorofeev was unexpectedly appointed to the office of the Head of M Directorate of the Federal Security Service of Russia. I was working with that Directorate in the case of the gambling prosecutors then. Its former head, General Kriuchkov, was leaving against the background of the major conflict between the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Federal Security Service. 

Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs Evgenii Shkolov had grown very powerful by then, and he acted together with Konstantin Chuichenko, the Head of the Control Directorate of the President of the Russian Federation, to take over the Ministry of Internal Affairs instead of Minister Nurgaliev. The role of Sugrobov, a confidant of Shkolov and Chuichenko, who was the Head of the Tenth Operative and Investigative Bureau for Counteraction to the Organised Economic Crime, started growing in 2010. In fact, the Ministry of Internal Affairs decided to steal the anti-corruption domain from the Federal Security Service and to weaken the position of the Sixth Service of the Internal Security Directorate, “Sechin’s special force”. 

When General Kriuchkov left M Directorate for the Control Directorate of the Federal Security Service of Russia, all the senior executives were changed. Dorofeev’s appointment to the office of the Head of M Directorate changed the balance of power in the central office of the Federal Security Service considerably. Dorofeev acted on behalf of Patrushev and thus balanced the position of the stronger Internal Security Directorate (“Sechin’s special force” – Feoktistov and Tkachev). Moreover, the control over the Directorate was transferred from First Deputy Director of the Federal Security Service Sergei Smirnov personally to Director Aleksandr Bortnikov. Dorofeev’s deputies in the Directorate were Feoktistov’s people: Vladimir Maksimenko from the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation and Aleksandr Filin from the Military Domestic Intelligence Service, the overseer of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Maksimenko was in charge of resolving issues of the businessmen related to the lending and financial area. In M Directorate, there was also Colonel Senin responsible for the security service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, whose relative was Colonel of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Dmitrii Zakharchenko. Senin worked for Feoktistov and went hiking at the same time: went rafting along the rivers with Sugrobov and tried to persuade him to start dealing with the Federal Security Service. Zakharchenko’s overseer was Maksimenko. Dorofeev was most famous for the case of the Moscow Region prosecutors. M Directorate conducted the operation directed at Prosecutor General Chaika under his guidance. The operational information on the prosecutors’ case was collected by Feoktistov’s officers, but the rest of the work was done by Dorofeev and his officers from M Directorate. 

The prosecutors were accused of organising underground casinos and liaisons with mafia. Even Artem Chaika was interrogated in that case. I was the one to collect and furnish most materials on that prosecutors’ gang. 

In October 2012, Dorofeev was dismissed from the office of M Directorate and transferred to the office of the Directorate of the Federal Security Service in Moscow and Moscow Region. Dorofeev’s dismissal was connected with the increased influence by the President’s assistant Shkolov, who treated Dorofeev as his personal enemy. Dorofeev had collected the materials based on which Shkolov was dismissed from the office of the Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs in 2011. 

Dorofeev’s dismissal was an expected thing. He was a weak manager who needed Patrushev’s authorisations all the time. Dorofeev could not resist Feoktistov and the Internal Security Directorate of the Federal Security Service, which had actually taken over M Directorate. Moreover, Aleksandr Bastrykin, who supposed that Dorofeev did not finish the prosecutors’ case and gave up, demanded Dorofeev’s dismissal. 

Aleksei Nikolaevich was not left unemployed: he was appointed to the office of the Head of the Directorate of the Federal Security Service in Moscow and Moscow Region. In Moscow, he replaced General Viktor Zakharov, who had been the head of the service for 12 years. Zakharov was believed to be Luzhkov’s man. Sobianin had little choice: either Dorofeev or Feoktistov. Of course, Sobianin was dead set against Oleg the Great. Dorofeev was appointed after Andrei Vorobev had been appointed to the office of the Acting Head of the Governor of Moscow Region, who needed support by the law enforcement officers. 

Dorofeev’s activity in Moscow Region was very moderate. But it should be taken into consideration that his Directorate is not the only unit in the capital city region. There were many claims against Dorofeev regarding integration of organised crime and law enforcement authorities. Dorofeev was too close to Vorobev and General Prosecutor Chaika’s family. Moreover, he was on friendly terms with General of the Federal Security Service Ivan Tkachev. As they say, Dorofeev’s main mistake was that he got rid of and dismissed General Patrushev too early. In fact, Dorofeev screwed Patrushev over and started working with Tkachev. Dorofeev’s main problems were with M Directorate headed by Sergei Alpatov, the Head of the Second Service of the Internal Security Directorate of the Federal Security Service, who now is the General and First Deputy Head of the Economic Security Service of the Federal Security Service of Russia, since 2015. He started cleansing in the directorate and identified numerous violations by Dorofeev. 

The most famous cases by General Sergei Sergeevich Alpatov were the criminal cases with regard to former Head of the Federal Penitentiary Service Aleksandr Reimer convicted of the fraud with excessive prices of the electronic bracelets and Deputy Head of the Federal Penitentiary Service Oleg Korshunov. The field officers of the Directorate detected the large-scale misappropriation during the creation of the intellectual system supporting operations of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the corrupt practices in the Federal Customs Service, and they exposed billionaire Colonel Dmitrii Zakharchenko from the Directorate for Economic Security and Anti-Corruption Enforcement. Alpatov’s officers got the case of General of the Investigative Committee Nikandrov, Maksimenko, Lamonov, Kramarenko and General of the Investigative Committee Drymanov going.

General Alpatov had had conflicts with the Sixth Service of the Internal Security Directorate of the Federal Security Service, Feoktistov and Tkachev since his office in the Second Service of the Internal Security Directorate of the Federal Security Service. Alpatov made successful use of the information that Acting Head of T Directorate of the Directorate for Economic Security and Anti-Corruption Enforcement of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Dmitrii Zakharchenko held the Chekist common fund belonging to his relative Dmitrii Senin, an officer of the Federal Security Service who was on a federal wanted list.

During the investigation, several other rogue officers from the central office of the Federal Security Service closely tied to escapee Senin and covering up the shadow bankers were found. In 2016, Alpatov’s officers started dealing with Dorofeev’s staff, and there were searches in the Department of the Federal Security Service in Balashikha. M Directorate investigated into the activity of the Moscow Criminal Investigation Department, as a result of which some of the heads of the Main Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Moscow were dismissed.

Alpatov won over Dorofeev, and the latter is very weak today. Dorofeev has been accused of weak operations in connection with the rubbish conflicts, where the Regional Directorate of the Federal Security Service supported Governor Vorobev. The claims were associated with collection of materials on owners of the disposal sites and related corrupt practices. The claims were associated with the special anti-corruption work in the Moscow Region units. 

Given the above facts, I would like to return to the story of businessman Konstantin Ponomarev for several reasons. First of all, I talked to Kostia a lot when I was in Lefortovo, and I was stunned by the level of his intelligence and business skills. Secondly, Ponomarev was long held in the Serpukhov prison after Lefortovo. Thirdly and mainly, his enemies who put him behind the bars in the civil case heard in the arbitration court are the same people: Tkachev, Dorofeev, Vorobev, Lovyrev, Glotov and other figures mentioned in the episodes. 

The same way as all the other prisoners in Russia, Konstantin Ponomarev keeps silence about the scandalous facts in his criminal case because he is well aware of the fact that any exposure of rogue officers will deteriorate the situation. I have experienced it well myself. He will even have to tolerate open lies paid by the furniture giant and spread by the Federal Security Service in the mass media. 

In a year and a half in Lefortovo, Kostia has never seen the head of his investigative group: nobody needs his testimony or objective facts and documents in the criminal case. Which means that the amnesty of capitals declared by the Russian government was used to defraud accounts. After the amnesty, the criminal proceedings were instituted against Ponomarev in connection with tax evasion, and all his money in Russia was attached. 

Kostia helped Crimea in 2014: 25 % of all the diesel generators furnished to the peninsula during the blackout were his personal property. He waited for the money for two years, and then filed an action. It turned out that the generators had been subleased five times and resold in an attempt to get a seven-fold price of his leasing price without him. Ponomarev filed a statement to the Federal Security Service, to Minister of Regional Development of the Russian Federation Dmitrii Kozak and had all the deals invalidated by the court, but in the end he was accused of the fraud involving his own 71 generators by the Investigative Committee and the Federal Security Service. In other words, Ponomarev was arrested based on his own statement of the crime. 

Konstantin had a long litigation with IKEA, collected 800 million dollars for lease and the interest for 2007 and 2008 in the court, but he was not paid the debt for those generators and the interest in approximately the same amount as of the end of 2010 (which was 20 billion roubles). He filed an action and lost because former General Manager of IKEA Joakim Virtanen claimed that the signatures in the documents were not his, and the court declared all the documents forged with no expert examination. The criminal proceedings were instituted against businessman Ponomarev, but they were terminated in half a year based on the expert examination confirming the authenticity of the documents. However, Joakim Virtanen left Russia. He came back in 2016 only and admitted slander. Virtanen acknowledged his guilt in the Investigative Department of the MIA and said that he had been forced to slander by the attorneys of MZS Law Firm co-owned by the son of Colonel General of the Federal Security Service Lovyrev, by threatening him with deportation, on the one hand, and by trying to bribe him as a fitness and promising to pay the salary for 2010 “on credit” despite his voluntary dismissal in January 2010, on the other hand.

When the MIA tried to interrogate him and hold him liable for refusing from his signatures, the officers of the Internal Security Directorate of the Federal Security Service in their official vehicles protected him from the MIA. According to his confession, Joakim Virtanen was even taken abroad, where he and other officers of IKEA were instructed by the private British intelligence company on how to resume the false evidence and slander Ponomarev. Moreover, Virtanen furnished the Investigative Department of the MIA with evidence: photographs of the officers of the Federal Security Service (subordinated to Tkachev) and the lawyers of MZS protecting him from the police and putting pressure on him as well as the report on the Federal Security Service and the MIA following Ponomarev on behalf of that British intelligence company owned by Mr Ambros Kerry, who is married to Osama bin Laden’s daughter or sister, as it had been found out.

According to the report, that company framed up the evidence against Konstantin Ponomarev with the support of the Federal Security Service, put pressure on the people, collected the intelligence data for IKEA, bribed the judges; all those things were done for the Swedish furniture giant. Is it high treason (Article 275 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation) by the officers of the Federal Security Service? 

The courts started to reconsider all the actions lost by Ponomarev, proper forensic examinations were conducted, Virtanen was interrogated and confirmed all the facts under an oath and furnished all the evidence to the court. Ponomarev’s team won 500 million roubles under the first claims in courts of three instances. Moreover, Irina Tsutskova, the judge of the Krasninskii District of Smolensk Region (where Ponomarev was registered) in the civil case, had to allocate security guards for Virtanen because the officers of the Federal Security Service would catch him near the court or in the palace of justice. In the end, the judge was dismissed. The Supreme Court of Russia revoked her decision and stated that the courts had dismissed Ponomarev’s claims before based on Virtanen’s testimony, and that conclusion could not be reviewed. 

According to the MIA’s expert examination, IKEA’s debt with account of the interest was 6.2 billion dollars as of the date of Ponomarev’s arrest, 30 April 2017. In other words, at least three hypermarkets by IKEA in Russia actually belong to Konstantin Ponomarev. However, he was arrested and has been held in isolation while IKEA has carried out reorganisation and transferred all the real estate to new companies. 

It is a hell-like story where the businessman abiding by the law has turned into the main enemy of IKEA and the Federal Security Service, and where the law is of no use in Russia. I think that the free media working in the investigating genre will be interested to find out in more detail about the role played in billionaire Ponomarev’s case by four generals of the Federal Security Service: Colonel General Evgenii Lovyrev (based on Virtanen’s testimony) and his son Dmitrii Lovyrev, the owner of MZS Law Firm, Colonel General of the Federal Security Service Aleksei Dorofeev, the Head of the Directorate of the Federal Security Service in Moscow and Moscow Region (there is an expert opinion confirming that he personally forged the explanation against Ponomarev on behalf of one of the figures in the case), Major General of the Federal Security Service Tkachev and his officers catching the witnesses in and near the court in special vehicles, Lieutenant General Glotov, Deputy Head of the Federal Service for Financial Monitoring, and his son Artem Glotov, the director of the company that misappropriated the money for 71 generators of businessman Ponomarev in Crimea.

 

Новости

Мнения

Записки Шестуна