The article by one of the best authors in the genre of journalist investigation of our country Roman Anin, the joint work by The Novaya Gazeta and the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP), has shown that by the time the President’s former body guards acquired power in the country, they had already been wealthy. While they were working as body guards of the key man of the country, they and their relatives got hectares of land in the most expensive part of Russia, Moscow Region, at Rublevka, next to the President’s residence on Novo-Ogarevo, by means of the non-transparent arrangements. Roman Anin demonstrated skilfully how the businessmen and criminal leaders had privatised the state-owned farm of NKVD, but he omitted one of the key men (to my mind) who had facilitated transfer of those juicy hectares to the relatives of Putin’s personal body guards with the highest prospects, Aleksei Diumin and Dmitrii Mironov. No wonder that David Iakobashvili knows nothing of the deals with the President’s body guards although he was a shareholder of the agro-holding Gorki-2, Rossa-Centre and other companies owning the land assets at Rublevka. The second owner of the above companies, Timofei Klinovskii, also knows little. 

Gavriil Iushvaev (Garik Makhachkala), the third co-owner of the valuable land asset, knows much more. He is the friend and business partner of the master of Moscow Region, Andrei Vorobev. 

I remember Andrei Iurievich offend Aleksandr Gladyshev, the Head of Odintsovo District, in public, at the meeting attended by all the municipality heads. It looked terrible, especially after the well-possessed and polite former Governors Shoigu and Gromov. Vorobev was evidently going to dismiss Gladyshev and free the office for Andrei Ivanov married to Iushvaev’s niece Zoia.

Garik Makhachkala and Andrei Vorobev and his political godfather Sergei Shoigu had shares in Russkoe More, where there was only one founder in the beginning: the wife of General of the Ministry of Emergencies Vladimir Bashkirtsev subordinated to the Minister of Emergencies and his First Deputy Iurii Vorobev (father of today’s Governor of Moscow Region). After that, the main founder of Russkoe More was Gennadii Timchenko. Andrei Vorobev was also a senior executive for some time; then the company was steered by his brother Maksim. Russkoe More has now changed its name for the Russian Fishery. Its Director is Gleb Frank, Gennadii Timchenko’s son-in-law. The Russian Fishery wins the most profitable auctions for king crabs easily although it does not have its own vessels; it simply resells its quota limits to the owners of the vessels equipped for fishing.

Garik Makhachkala’s closeness to the Governor of Moscow Region is also confirmed by the fact that Andrei Vorobev’s nephew, Artem Vorobev, held the office of the Director General of Razdory City LLC, where his partners were Gavriil Iushvaev, David Iakobashvili and Sergei Matvienko (having the same last name as the Chairman of the Council of Federation for a good reason).

Let’s get back to the transfer of land plots to the President’s pets Diumin and Mironov. Of course, everything was arranged by Andrei Vorobev, who did his best to get into their company by any means, in order to turn into three musketeers closest to the king. He did it so openly and indecently that many of my colleagues resented such fuss. For instance, at the fairs, the Governor of Moscow Region rushed to the stand of Yaroslavl Region at once and tried to take a selfie with Dmitrii Mironov and published the cherished photo on the social media immediately. If Andrei Vorobev played hockey, there had to be his portrait together with Aleksei Diumin to be shown only to one person in the country (it is clear who that person was). Therefore, allocation of 90 “gold” hundred square meters to the closest Governor of Tula Region and his relatives was the largest allocated elite land plot worth half a billion roubles. Dmitrii Mironov, the brother of Governor of Yaroslavl Region, was also granted 76 hundred square meters and two houses 1,000 square meters each in Barvikha; their estimated value is 670 million roubles.

Allocation of the land plots to the closest people was personally managed by Andrei Vorobev. Despite the fact that Moscow Region is richer than Yaroslavl and Tula ones, Diumin and Mironov were much closer to the President because that had been his personal body guards. However, all three musketeers were subordinated to Sergei Shoigu and Gennadii Timchenko. That is why the master of Moscow Region tried to win the boys’ attention so much.

Like all the men, those three guys went hunting together. Of course, not in their lands; they went to the most picturesque places of Russia where Vladimir Putin hunts, Khakassia. The top-rank guests were met at Karatash hunting base called Disneyland by the locals by the Governor of that mountainous republic, Viktor Zimin. His popularity among the residents of Khakassia is extremely low because he has brought the region to the administration by the federal treasury. He is going to leave his office soon to be replaced by young communist Valentin Konovalov. 

I should say all three governors with the highest prospects have poor budget indicators. All three regions are in debt, but who cares about the efficient economic policy now? Personal loyalty is the best indicator of professional capacity in present-day Russia.

According to the specialists, Dmitrii Mironov is going to hold the office of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Aleksei Diumin has been long dreaming of the successor’s role. Andrei Vorobev remained in his office after the Volokolamsk snowballs by miracle. Mironov’s ratings in Yaroslavl Region dropped down after the rubbish scandals and reduction of social expenses. 

Russia is the only place where whole districts can be transferred easily and even by force. Nobody has been ashamed for a long time. Everything is ultimately cynical and violent. Even the Tatar-Mongol yoke was more understandable and reasonable in giving the right to rule. 


In 2013, after he had worked in the Security Service of the President of the Russian Federation, Mironov was appointed to the office of the Head of the Directorate for Economic Security and Anti-Corruption Enforcement of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation instead of Lieutenant General Sugrobov imprisoned in Lefortovo by Ivan Tkachev, the Head of the Sixth Service of the Internal Security Directorate of the Federal Security Service. Some time before his arrest, Sugrobov had detained Mayor of Yaroslavl Urlashov, who had claimed to have the governor’s ambitions and gained popularity by criticising the United Russia.  There is no doubt that Evgenii Urlashov would have easily won the election for the office of the head of the region. Sugrobov himself was abandoned for two reasons: first of all, he had a permanent conflict with General of the Federal Security Service Oleg Feoktistov and Tkachev because of the encashment and other profitable activities; secondly, Dmitrii Mironov needed an office and prospects of growth into the Governor of Yaroslavl Region.

Police Major General Mironov, who had already been promoted to the office of the Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs, was still in charge of operating investigations with regard to members of the Civil Platform Party of the dancing Mayor of Yaroslavl Urlashov. Dmitrii Mironov was studying the region gradually. On 27 July 2016, the President appointed him to the office of the Acting Governor of Yaroslavl Region, and the court imprisoned Evgenii Urlashov for 12.5 years in the maximum-security prison settlement for extorting the bribe in August of the same year. The only basis for the harsh verdict was evidence against the opposition Mayor of Yaroslavl. He had not been caught red-handed. I have already written that anything can happen in court today; nobody needs labelled money and traces on hands. It is enough to say that you gave a bribe seven or eight years ago. Evgenii Urlashov was held in Matrosskaia Tishina for three years, and he never pleaded guilty in exchange for more lenient punishment. 

“All the revolutionaries have always been to prisons,” the Mayor claimed after the verdict had been delivered.

The office of the Mayor of Yaroslavl was held by the people from Moscow Region. The city was managed by Vladimir Sleptsov, the former Mayor of the City District of Khimki; now it is Vladimir Volkov from Liubertsy. 

Evgenii Mironov, the younger brother of the Governor of Yaroslavl, does business, mostly in Moscow Region, and owns lots of LLCs. In particular, Tekhnospetsproekt LLC works with Mosoblgaz, whose Director is Dmitrii Golubkov, the man of Garik Makhachkala (Gavriil Iushvaev) while Rost Development LLC headquartered in Gorki-2 constructs elite houses in Odintsovo and Istra Districts of Moscow Region. Let me remind you that Head of Odintsovo City District Andrei Ivanov is a relative of Garik Makhachkala. Head of Istra City District Asfan Vikhraev, who has been convicted the same way as Garik Makhachkala and has changed his first and last name for Andrei Vikharev, also is Gavriil Iushvaev’s man by 100 %. Before that, when he held the office of the head of Volokolamsk District, Vikharev/Vikhraev suppressed the rubbish protests in the district centre and lobbied dismissal of Mayor of Volokolamsk Petr Lazarev by means of criminal cases via billionaire General of the Federal Security Service Dorofeev. Circle of shit in nature.


Aleksei Diumin was granted the right to rule under the circumstances similar to Mironov’s, but his path to the office of the Head of Tula Region was cleared by former billionaire Governor Vladimir Gruzdev, who had also been from the special service. 

It is common knowledge, and it has been mentioned my different media that the former officer of the External Intelligence Service of the Russian Federation organised the plot in 2011 to get rid of Governor Viacheslav Dudka and initiated the criminal prosecution of Dudka by the local Directorate of the Federal Security Service, which ruined his reputation in Kremlin and United Russia.

In 2011, Viacheslav Dudka was arrested on the suspicion of the bribe for allocating a land plot for construction of the supermarket. The litigation was quite quiet. The central TV channels did not show him as a villain. Dudka was sentenced to 9.5 years in prison (he was released on parole on 9 June 2018). 

Vladimir Gruzdev, who had taken the office of the Governor of Tula Region, gave that office to Aleksei Diumin, the former officer of the Security Service of the President of the Russian Federation, by the first demand from Kremlin. 

Diumin’s career developed very fast. In 2014, he commanded the special operations forces (Polite People in Crimea) and then got the office of the Deputy Minister of Defence of Russia. In 2016, the same as in Dmitrii Mironov’s case, Vladimir Putin appointed Aleksei Diumin the Acting Governor of Tula Region. 

It should be noted that, in my opinion, Diumin enjoys the highest respect out of three musketeers although his land is much poorer than Moscow Region and Yaroslavl Region. The residents of Tula Region respect Aleksei Gennadevich as much as the respected Gruzdev. He ranks first in the national rating of the governors as of March and April 2019, contrary to Vorobev and Mironov who have gone down. My good acquaintances who have communicated with Aleksei Diumin for a long time say that he is incredibly charming and friendly. In fact, he is only remembered by bringing order in the gipsy village.

Diumin is evidently bored in provincial Tula and he needs the federal level. In addition to the “gold” land received at Rublevka from Garik Makhachkala, Aleksei Gennadevich got an apartment of 344 square meters in Kolymazhnyi Lane in Moscow, near the Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts in 2014. A similar apartment in this building is for sale for a billion roubles. According to some sources, Diumin got that accommodation for saving former President of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych. Before he received the accommodation in the centre of Moscow, Diumin had owned an apartment of 138 square meters in the House at the Presidential Property Management Department in Udaltsova Street, which he sold later. 

The second most respected friend of Andrei Vorobev (after Garik Makhachkala), the leader of the Podolsk gang Sergei Lalakin (Luchok) feels quite free in Diumin’s lands. He has opened his sports club Vitiaz openly, together with Dmitrii Iakovlev, the Chairman of the Sports Committee in Tula Region, Gennadii Sorokin, the Head of Suvorov District, and Boris Sokol, the President of Shchekinoazot. 


Of course, the most disgusting man out of three musketeers is Andrei Vorobev who has ascended to the throne of the capital city’s region by inheriting its from his political god father Sergei Shoigu. I have already described the mean character of the Governor of Moscow Region in detail. I could probably add some information on his personal life and famous wife with the “rich” past: Ekaterina Bogdasarova called Katia Kamchatka. She used to be married to the famous fraudster and raider Aleksandr Glukhovskii called Sasha the Sailor, who is still on the international wanted list. 




Светлана Астраханцева
Нам выпало время, когда белое становится черным, а черное – белым…
Григорий Михнов-Вайтенко
Пример Шестуна – это пример в истории, я бы сказал. Чаще всего такой человек предпочитает тихо и незаметно, извините за выражение, отползти в угол, и очень редко, когда вступает на путь правдорубца.
Людмила Улицкая
Понимание и попытка разрешения "мусорной" проблемы вызвали конфликт Шестуна с властью. Не просто с властью, а с самым сердцем нашей власти - с ФСБ. Люди должны встать на защиту Александра Шестуна. И к этому я призываю.

Записки Шестуна