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REBELLIOUS PRISONER. CHAPTER SIXTEEN

GARIK MAKHACHKALA AND THE OTHERS

GARIK MAKHACHKALA AND THE OTHERS

12.11.2018

On 8 November, I was taken to the Basmannyi Court again, as usual, without telling me why I was going there. I knew there must be hearing based on the decision revoked by the Moscow City Court on attaching the accounts with VAT Bank where 100 roubles were held. It could also be extension of the arrest, but I had not been notified. I thought it was a sign meaning that they would not violate proceedings for such an important court session. I was wrong. When I was entering the room and saw the sign “Judge Lenskaia”, I felt dizzy at once. She is hearing Mikhalchenko’s case, and she gets the most abusive proceedings of the Federal Security Service. When Elena Anatolevna worked as an investigator in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, she cooperated with the Federal Security Service closely and investigated the “necessary” criminal cases. This quite attractive, young and slim woman is of Milady type from Three Musketeers by Dumas. Instead of Cardinal Richelieu, her master is Ivan Ivanovich Tkachev rather than “kind queen” Vyrysheva, the president of the Basmannyi Court.

It was the Federal Security Service that transferred that “talented” employee from the Ministry of Internal Affairs to the judge’s office of the Basmannyi court. I am sure that she met all the expectations of the Federal Security Service and called after the hearing to report how artfully she had broken Shestun’s resistance by making him shut up and having him removed from the room by seven thugs, who tore the offenders’ wrists with the handcuffs until they bled. That’ll teach him...

I have heard Tkachev speak to judges, and I have often been a witness to such conversations.

After the first hearing regarding the attachment of 100 roubles on VTB accounts, I asked the judge to find a bigger room because many journalists, relatives and supporters had come, but my request was dismissed rudely.

The man wearing green and black clothes went out before the hearing and started shouting at the people who had squeezed into the small room. I think the room for the main session regarding the extension of the arrest could fit in up to 30 people. Probably, the man shouting was a senior bailiff; he was so aggressive with the visitors that I was reminded of Lefortovo or Guantanamo where the prisoners were warned in the same manner that two steps to the left or to the right would result in immediate execution.

The beginning promised nothing good, so I demanded to recuse judge Lenskaia at once because of the terrible start. Of course, she dismissed my request.

Investigator Roman Vidiukov, whom I had not seen for five months of imprisonment, was invited to speak first. Yes, it is common practice now: to put people behind the bars and start “work” in six months or a year. Investigators have loads of such cases, and they use them as compelling evidence for their bosses of how busy they are. As usual, the investigator quoted the Criminal Procedure Code and repeated nothing new, “Shestun might continue his criminal activity or escape, exert pressure on the witnesses or destroy the evidence.” His statement was based on the testimony of Aleksei Popov and Sergei Smetankin. These ridiculous figures are famous all over Serpukhov District for telling the “truth.” By the way, several days ago Smetankin’s website was punished for another slander article by the Serpukhov City Court. No comments. 

Actually, the investigators do not even try to furnish any evidence to the court? What for? It will do any way. 

The only thing I knew about Roman Vidiukov was that he had participated in Ivan Tkachev and Oleg Feoktistov’s operation to detain Minister Uliukaev, had been baptised by fire and proven his creativity: how could a “bag full of sausages” turn into a bribe?

Investigator Vidiukov looks a bit older than 30; he is well built, tall and craggy-faced. Roman kept smiling. He could be nervous or probably amused, like me, with that performance under the dramatic name of the “hearing”. He asked to extend my arrest by three months, until 13 February 2019.

I objected with the facts and documents rather than merely quotes from the code. I never tried to escape after Tkachev’s and Iarin’s threats. I did not escape when the Serpukhov Court had permitted the search in my house and appealed from that decision although I knew that the search would be followed by my arrest. I did not escape when two envelopes with the “bribes” addressed to Shestun had been planted into my office during the search. On 12 June, a day before they broke into my house, I had been warned that there would be a search and arrest in the public, with 15 to 20 people around. I did not try to escape intentionally. It is my country. 

The investigator’s statement that “he might continue his criminal activity” is ridiculous. Which way? I am not the Head of the District anymore, I have not been given a chance to run for the election. “Might destroy the evidence” – how? The lands were allocated eight to ten years ago, all the documents are in the Registration Chamber. 

Then I asked the judge not to interrupt me because I was deprived of the legal assistance and for medical reasons, and started listing my arguments. Nevertheless, Lenskaia interrupted me at the every beginning of my speech, and no matter how hard I tried to persuade her, Milady’s voice was getting harsher. For some reason, I remember the Soviet horror story called Vii where beautiful Pannochka turned into a witch gradually. In the end, I was removed from the court room without a chance to finish my speech. I went to lie down on the plank bed in the cell of the Basmannyi Court and to catch by breath. Half an hour later, the wardens suddenly came in. I told them,

“Don’t be wasting your time. I will try to finish my speech again!”

Probably, they did not believe me. They took me to the court room again. Of course, I continued my speech, which I had prepared by the request of my wife Iulia in advance and practised well with my cell mate and in the prison truck (everyone liked it). However, judge Lena Lenskaia had probably been given some other instructions; she did not let me say a word and removed me from the court room again. 

I was dragged from the room against the background of the radios hissing to deafen my words; the two-meter bailiffs and police officers actually kicked me into the corridor, where my relatives were standing. I managed to shout out “Basmannyi justice”, that they did not let me speak at the hearing, that I had made a statement regarding extortion by the top-rank officials of the Federal Security Service, including General Tkachev. My wrists were so damaged with the handcuffs that they bled, and while they were twisting my arms, they tore my chest muscles partly. In other words, it was not a pretty sight. Probably, Milady did not like the fact that at the beginning of my speech I mentioned the fair-haired young officer of the Federal Security Service who texted with his boss about my wife Iulia speaking in the court, called her a fool and said that she “had been crying for show” at the last hearing where my arrest had been extended in August.

“How could the officer of the Federal Security Service offend the mother of many children in the court room?” I resented.

The photo of his screen was taken by the journalist, who published it online and wrote that the officer had also been to the judge’s office. 

“Why was he admitted into the court room if two thirds of the relatives and journalists could not get in? Who gave him the best seat?” I kept asking the judge inconvenient questions.

As usual, I traditionally told the judges, prosecutors and investigators that the rotten law enforcement system would collapse soon, and they would be the ones to be kept in the cells for the lives they had unfairly ruined, for their enrichment upon unhappiness of the others.

“My dear children, put down their last names, we will hold them and their rich kids to account!”

By the way, I was not interrupted in the Moscow City Court although it is a higher-instance court. At many sessions, I had spoken much harsher and longer. Basmannyi justice, that is it.

“Thanks God, my mother is not here!” – it was the only thing making me happy that unpleasant evening. I had long been persuading my brother Igor to take Zoia Mikhailovna to the extension of my arrest to the Basmannyi Court. Who knows, may be, I will never get to see her again? She is almost 83, and my prospects are also doubtful. If she had seen how her son was humiliated and tortured, she would have had a heart attack at once. It will be interesting to read unprejudiced opinions on this mayhem.

The hearing was attended by the journalists from different newspapers, including the foreign ones, The ABC-News and The Guardian. I will add their opinions to my prison novels to make the story more objective.

I think it is obvious that Lena Lenskaia extended the arrest until 13 February despite the gross violation, as Clause 4 of Article 108 of the Criminal Procedure Code prescribes the participation of the accused in the hearing. I did not hear the attorneys’ speech, did not participate in the debate and was deprived of the right to speak. This is allowed only if the accused is on the international wanted list. We will see what the Moscow City Court will say as the decision has not entered into force yet.

The prison truck taking me back was almost empty. One of my few fellows was “terrorist” Ergashev from Matrosskaia Tishina, with whom I had spoken in the attorney rooms. His interpreter came up to me and said,

“Are you Shestun? We love and respect you so much, and we watch your story! Thank you for writing.”

Like all the other “terrorists”, Ergashev looks like a farmer: he is a very short and quite elderly Uzbek of around 40 kilos, who can hardly speak a word of Russian. He spoke Uzbek with his accomplice from Lefortovo, Ibragim Ermetov. This 25-year-old Uzbek from Kyrgyzstan, City of Osh in Karasul District, has been in prison since April 2017 as two years ago, in 2015, he called his colleague from Sushi WOK network, who turned out to be a terrorist, while other eleven people are in prison because they worked together with Ibragim and had never seen or heard of terrorist Dzhalilov. What for? Is the Federal Security Service getting more points by using migrant workers?! How much budget money is spent on these Uzbeks? 

I spoke to Rustam Isaev from the hospital in Matrosskaia Tishina most of the trip. The surprising thing is that we were admitted there at the same time, at the end of August, but never met. Rustam is a Meskhetin Turk born in Moscow. He has bullet wounds in his leg. As it usually happens in Medical Unit 77, when he had arrived, they took out the bullets and closed the cut, but then, of course, forgot about him. They remembered about him in two months and called him to remove the stitches.

“Are you insane? I removed them a month ago myself,” Rustam answered imperturbably.

He has never seen Chief Medical Officer Gaisin. 

Rustam is held in the “pot cell”, which means there is a road and kites, and he knows the names of the unofficial leaders and their movements well. They told him that there had been a riot in the largest central prison, Medvedkovo, but he did not know the details.

In the Moscow City Court, I and Rustam were placed into different prison trucks. Luckily, I got into the same car with my prison friend Dmitrii Zakharchenko. I am always stunned by the colonel’s strong wills and spirit; he is always witty and optimistic. In the same compartment, there was Viktor Korol from Zaporizhzhia accused based on the article “Weapons”; he described vividly how he had been beaten in Lefortovo with a bag on his head, by Aguzarov, the investigator of the Federal Security Service, and Stanislav Viktorovich, the field investigator. The strongest blows were on his head.

Back in the cell, I recollected all the events in the Basmannyi Court again. I remembered the investigator claim: everyone had run out of patience because of my publications, no consent could be reached, and the criminal proceedings would soon be instituted against me in connection with the especially grave crime based on Article 290 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation “Bribe”. They imprisoned several elderly ladies from the sports department and traditionally demanded to testify against Shestun in exchange for freedom or home detention. I have never demanded any money from my subordinates, and all the administrative officers and units pertaining to it, which is at least 3,000 people, know that. For fourteen years of my work, all the district enterprises helped us organise the New Year celebrations in Nadezhda (where all the children were invited free of charge), youth balls, tourist meetings and District Days on a voluntary basis. The sponsors’ names were always published in the media. However, there are no verdicts of non-guilty in Russia, any investigator’s bits and pieces are easily admitted by the court, and people have the only option: to bear false testimony and hope for freedom. A la guerre comme a la guerre! I have not expected anything different. I know it was their task from the very start. Today’s Article 159 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation is not especially grave, a year in prison is equal to a year in prison settlement, plus minor children, chronic diseases and first conviction... It means the verdict could be a suspended sentence for four or five years. Of course, Tkachev, Vorobev, Dorofeev ad Lalakin would not be satisfied with such sentence. If Shestun has not been broken, has not knelt down and pleaded guilty, he must rot in the prison settlement and never get free. They need 12 to 15 years so that it will actually be a death sentence.

Tatiana Grishina, the head of the sports department they had put behind the bars, is the most suitable option for this gang. She has recently lost her only daughter and husband and has stayed alone to face her terminal diseases and family tragedies. I do not know all the other arrested women well. They will answer to God for everything...

 

***

I have something to hold Ivan Ivanovich and his companions to answer. While I am alive, I will be exposing this gang having powers and lots of weapons from early morning till late evening. I have never worked as hard as I do in Lefortovo. Nothing distracts me from the fight, except for washing the Affliction vests and checked pyjamas trousers I wear around the clock. I used to wear those clothes at home. 

I scarcely watch TV, do not talk to my mate and do not play table games. I wake up at 5 a.m., the same time as at home, and start writing articles about rogue officers as well as complaints and petitions. I have sent 18 complaints regarding the case and written about 20 pages of the text today. I have been deprived of everything in Lefortovo: communication with the world, attorneys, proper food, gym, TV, shower, personal belongings, telephone conversations, meetings with human rights defenders etc. I sleep six or seven hours a day. I am like a Spartan: I have nothing but my helmet, sword and armour. Nothing distracts me from the war with these bastards. Even the bleeding wound in my soul that I cannot see my children, wife and mother gives me extra force and fury. I despise these monsters. Masters of the universe...

If these men have attached all my property and even the house where my children are registered as well as their grandparents’ property, which had been bought in the Soviet times, and left my children with nothing to inherit, the only thing I can give to them is my last name, Shestun. In some time, they will be asked,

“Isn’t Shestun, who died like a hero fighting the rogue officers, your father?”

Actually, my children are already asked such questions followed by curses against Governor Vorobev and the Federal Security Service.

Let me tell you the story from the life of Ivan Ivanovich and his friends. I will keep the main blow at Tkachev for the next time as I do not want to affect the decent officers from the Sixth Internal Security Directorate of the Federal Security Service and K Directorate, who will probably get into neighbouring cells in Lefortovo after my statements. I have already discussed the action plan at the Main Military Prosecutor’s Office and the mass media. For obvious reasons, Aleksei Komkov, the head of the Ninth Internal Security Directorate of the Federal Security Service, is not really interested in such investigation. There is still some hope that the Organisational and Inspection Department and the Organisational and HR Work Department of the Federal Security Service will be of help. However, if I mention specific facts and dates of the crimes, last names of the officers and other details in my statement, both General Komkov and Sergei Korolev, the Head of the Economic Security Service of the Federal Security Service, will have to take measures. 

So, I have already written about the doubtful friendship with cash-out guys Magin, Bulochnik, Luchok and Garik Makhachkala, Mikhail Ruzin...

I was always surprised to hear how proudly Ivan Ivanovich told about his friendship with Garik Makhachkala (Gavriil Iushvaev), his regular meetings with the latter and Head of Odintsovo District Andrei Ivanov married to Garik’s niece. Andrei “settles” various personal financial issues of Governor Vorobev, and officers of a head of the city district or deputy of the Regional Duma are often purchased with his help. Andrei Vorobev once told me,

“Only two heads in the region meet me! You and my friend Andrei Ivanov.”

According to Tkachev, the three of them often got together in Iushvaev’s restaurant Prichal in Rublevka. Ivan Ivanovich showed me some photos on his telephone, the view over the water is really beautiful there.

I realised then why Tkachev was so eager to defend Garik’s people who extorted almost a billion roubles from the district company Kapital Stroi for a licence for sand pit operation. I gave Tkachev all the documents and audio records confirming the extortion, but the officers of the Sixth Service kept demanding more and more evidence from me. Even the fact that I brought them the contract between Osnova and Director Ivanchenko (who had extorted the money from Kapital Stroi), where it was expressly stated that the company of Andrei Alekseev, the leader of Karandashi group, had to transfer 12 million of roubles to Osnova for its assistance in obtaining the licence for the pit operation, was of no help. When the field investigator of the Sixth Service that the transfer of money was not confirmed by his inquiry sent to the Federal Financial Monitoring Service, I brought him the transfer order from Marzhana (Alekseev's company) confirming the transfer to Osnova. It was of no use as well... It was a vicious circle. 

Only here in Lefortovo, imprisoned like Count of Monte-Cristo in Château d'If trying to find out the source of his problems, I saw the full picture: the jigsaw puzzle was assembled, especially when many of Tkachev’s “clients” repeated the same name of the main employer: Garik Makhachkala. 

Dmitrii Sergeev, the founder of Baltstroi construction company, said that Iushvaev had initiated his criminal case.

Grigorii Pirumov, the Deputy Minister of Culture of the Russian Federation, who was held in Lefortovo for the kickbacks often said that David Iakobashvili, Garik’s partner, had insisted on the construction contracts in the White House, but he awarded the contracts to another company. Many of them begged to not say their names because they were afraid of revenge although they said Iushvaev was the source of all their troubles.

“Aren’t you afraid Garik will finish you off?” they asked.

In addition to placing his people into the principal offices in the government of Moscow Region, including Minister of Ecology Anzor Shomakhov, from which Kapital Plus was sent to Osnova, Garik is also the largest land owner in Rublevka. Moreover, Gavriil Iushvaev is a co-founder of Russkoe More where Andrei Vorobev was the Director General, and, according to many sources, the Vorobevs and Shoigus are Gennadii Timchenko’s main partners in that sea food business.

I know for sure that when Sergei Shoigu and his First Deputy Iurii Vorobev were working for the Ministry of Emergencies, they created Russkoe More, with the only nominee founder: wife of General of the Ministry of Emergencies Vladimir Bashkirtsev. Of course, some time later, they replaced her with offshores, like all the decent people did.

The greatness of Garik Makhachkala is undeniable. It is confirmed not only with the fact that he is on the Forbes list, but also his liaisons. Sergei Shoigu’s presence at Iushvaev’s wife’s birthday party is enough to make him look more reputable. Nobody cares that Garik was in prison settlement for quite a long time, nine years, and convicted of the plunder. On the contrary, this fact makes him look more charming for the generals and public officials.

However, some people are not that tolerant about Iushvaev’s activity. For instance, the Jewish diaspora of Moscow dislikes with businessman with gangster habits and frequent engagement of the combatants like Maga Kobra (Magomed Ismailov) and Propeller (Magomed Magomedov) in disputes although he often uses the special forces of the Federal Security Service sent by Tkachev’s first request.

The Chechen diaspora of Moscow guided by Adam Delimkhanov, the respected deputy of the State Duma, also does not treat Mountain Jew Garik as a super-leader.

I suppose nobody else would manage to evade criminal punishment after the notorious murder at the thieves’ meeting committed less than a year ago in Moscow City Tower owned by Garik, when his security guard shot down an officer of the Russian Guard holding a machine pistol. That murder was covered by all the central TV channels and leading national mass media. Luchok, Garik and other participants of the meeting dedicated to their friend’s 50th anniversary went abroad at once, but they came back quickly. They settled all the issues from there, and now they get around Moscow, accompanied by five to ten security guards armed to the hilt.

To complete this picture, I cannot help saying a few words about Tkachev’s and Vorobev’s friend, Andrei Veniaminovich Iarin, the Head of the Internal Policy Directorate of the President of Russia in charge of the election in Russia.

In 2017, at the election for the State Duma at the single-mandate election district including Serpukhov District, a candidate for the deputy’s office was Boris Ivaniuzhenkov, a famous resident of Podolsk and acting deputy of the sixth convocation, who ran for the election with the CPRF. Of course, I attended his meetings with the residents because I knew him well, and the CPRF deputies in the State Dame, including Vladimir Kashin and the others, supported us in all the issues actively and altruistically. The new school in Bolshevik is under construction owing to Vladimir Ivanovich. He was the one to protect us from the police officers who were detaining our activists at the disposal site. 

Iurii Oleinikov was obviously a priority candidate so I asked one of the businessmen having friendly relations with Iarin why Boris Ivaniuzhenkov was moved off. Andrei Veniaminovich told him that firstly the Federal Security Service had not approved the candidate, and secondly Lalakin did not like the candidate although they seemed to be close.

“You see,” Iarin told him sincerely. “It is very convenient to work with the Podolsk guys. They do anything I ask at once.” Sergei Nikolaevich (Luchok) is a very attentive and grateful man. But if he wanted to be approved by the top-rank officials, he should have taken the initiative before.

I wish I had canvas and paints in the cell. Although I am not artist Ilia Glazunov, I would paint the group portrait of Vorobev, Lalakin, Garik Makhachkala, Tkachev and Iarin standing on a pile of corpses like SS officers posing for a photo in the concentration camp, to be sent to the well-fed Germany and stun the local citizens. The picture would be called, “Settling Issues”. 

Let’s get back to the notorious shooting in Oko Tower in Moscow City: the investigation was under way, rushing from side to side. Levon Agadzhanian, the “genius” investigator of the Investigative Committee of Russia for Moscow, accused officer of the Russian Guard Dmitrii Iakobson guarding criminal leader Dmitrii Pavlov at his 50th birthday anniversary on the fourth floor of Oko Tower of disorderly conduct. Moreover, that investigator pressed the charges against Platon Koida, an employee of the private security enterprise, who had been killed by Garik Makhachkala’s Caucasian security guards Magomed Ismailov and Eldar Khamidov.

The stance of the Investigative Committee of Russia changed dramatically. In the beginning, the investigators supposed that Ismailov and Khamidov were the ones to provoke the shooting and accused them of the murder. After that incident, Gavriil Iushvaev left for Israel and hid there for several months. All the central TV channels showed the news about that incident and reminded for his imprisonment for plunder. At the same time, his close friend Tkachev settled all the issues with the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation and reversed the situation. Right after that, Garik Makhachkala returned as if nothing had happened. Of course, it was a spit against Dmitrii Pavlov, the Russian Guard and all those attending that anniversary party. Everyone knew that Garik’s daredevils were the ones to start shooting and start that mayhem. It is one thing when you protect the security guards from your homeland and try to get more lenient punishment, but blaming the murdered ones is an absolutely different matter. It looks especially bad for the people associated with the criminal world: it is against the rules.

When I was admitted to hospital in Matrosskaia Tishina, I saw Maga Kobra in one of the attorney rooms; he can hardly remain unnoticed, given his muscular build and two-meter height. 

“Hasn’t he been released from prison?” I asked my cell mate Andrei Murashev held in the sixth special unit together with Ismailov.

“They say they have turned back to the initial version,” Andrei answered.

I found out that Aleksandr Khinshtein, who was directly related to that agency, supported the murdered officer of the Russian Guard. Any order by Lalakin, the leader of the Podolsk gang, is a law for Khinshtein because Luchok financed his entire first election campaign for the office of a deputy of the State Duma at the single-mandate election district in Nizhny Novgorod. Then young Jew Sasha, a journalist of The Moskovskyi Komsomolets, was a rising journalism star, especially in the genre of investigations. Lalakin and Khinshtein are still friends. 

All the prisoners in Matrosskaia Tishina knew Maga Kobra. A forty-year-old resident of Barvikha, the double world kickboxing and Thai boxing champion, behaves very modest in the detention cell. When the “evening shouters” wanted to send greetings to the prisoners not only from the underbosses, but also from him, Maga asked not to do it. A sentence for a murder is not very long in Russia now, and his boss Garik Makhachkala will get him released very soon without any difficulties, especially given the fact that the investigation is conducted by the investigator of the Investigative Committee in Moscow, Levon Agadzhanian, who is assigned to the “necessary” cases by Maksim Denisov, the Head of the Department of the Investigative Committee for the Crimes Committed by the Public Officials and a very notorious figure. 

That is why it can turn into a long war between large and influential gangs. When Denis Nikandrov started bearing testimony against all of his colleagues, Denisov was expected to get to Lefortovo next to Maksimenko, Lamonov and Drymanov because he had taken part in all the corrupt practices. In particular, according to the participants of the criminal case, Denisov got 500,000 dollars from Zhan Rafailov, the co-owner of the Cherkizovo market, for accusing Roman Manashirov of the alleged bribe received from Zhan Semenovich five years ago. 

The condition of the deal was to add some charges against Manashirov. His acquaintance, Inna Storozhenko, claimed at the hearing of the case that Denisov had been torturing her in the Investigative Directorate for twelve hours until she lost consciousness, and demanded to bear false testimony against Manashirov.

No wonder that several days before Manashirov’s verdict was delivered, “necessary” investigator Levon Agadzhanian had suddenly sent a notice of the pre-investigation check based on Articles 291 “Bribery” and 286 “Abuse of Power” of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation in connection with the events of 2013 to Lefortovo, just to be safe. Manashirov is a large businessman and an owner of the major malls in Moscow, and he is not a public official to be accused based on such articles. Also, how can the events that happened more than five years ago be checked? It means the case has been framed up.

It is common knowledge among the law enforcement officers that Denisov did not follow the path taken by his colleagues owing to Tkachev’s protection and defence because the latter had taken part in the notorious case of arrest of the senior executives of the Investigative Committee of Russia for Moscow. Ivan Ivanovich tried to persuade Denis Nikandrov, a young investigator from Volgograd who got to the general’s rank owing to the “case of the Moscow regional gambling prosecutors, to bear testimony against his colleagues. I was the only complainant in the case regarding the illegal casinos in Moscow Region and would often see Nikandrov in the Sixth Service of the Federal Security Service in Tkachev’s office; they were in charge of the operational support of that notorious case. 

“The case of the Italian, Shakro the Young and senior executives of the Investigative Committee for Moscow” was conducted by Alpatov, the Head of M Directorate of the Federal Security Service, who had more authority than Tkachev, so Ivan Ivanovich could not save his friends Drymanov and Lamonov, let alone Maksimenko, because Sergei Sergeevich would simply not let him do that. But he could keep Maksim Denisov in the key department of the Investigative Committee for Moscow. Now Denisov is paying off his debt by protecting Garik Makhachkala’s combatants who have killed the officer of the Russian Guard and by drowning Manashirov by request of the same people so that he could not get of prison for ten years and claim back Columbus, the largest mall in Moscow, as an illegally seized one.

 

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